Ecuador’s New Constitutional Assembly: Up With the Executive, Down With Traditional Parties

Ecuador followed in the footsteps of Venezuela and Bolivia this past November 30 by beginning the task of writing a new constitution. The goal is to remake the country’s political and social landscape.  Similar to Hugo Chavez and Evo Morales, president Rafael Correa has pledged to use a new constitution to introduce socialism for the twenty-first century into Ecuador.

Ecuador followed in the footsteps of Venezuela and Bolivia this past November 30 by beginning the task of writing a new constitution. The goal is to remake the country’s political and social landscape.  Similar to Hugo Chavez and Evo Morales, president Rafael Correa has pledged to use a new constitution to introduce socialism for the twenty-first century into Ecuador.

Correa, an economist trained at the University of Illinois where he wrote a dissertation attacking the Washington Consensus, took office in January 2007 with the promise of writing a new constitution.  In April he won a plebiscite to convoke a constituent assembly, and then in September his political movement, Alianza País [Country Alliance], won a majority of votes to control the 130-member body.  He has pledged to draft reforms that will benefit the country’s poor and create a more just society.

Six-Month Deadline

The assembly has six months to draft the constitution, which will then be submitted to a public referendum.  If approved, new legislative elections will be called to replace the constituent assembly.  This would be Ecuador’s twentieth constitution since becoming an independent republic in 1830.  The current constitution was drafted in 1998.  Social
movements have repeatedly called for a new constitution in order to remake the country’s social, political, and economic landscape.

The assembly built a complex near Montecristi in the coastal province of Manabí to carry out their debates.  Christened Ciudad Eloy Alfaro, it is named after a general who led a successful liberal revolution in 1895 and is one of the country’s most renowned leaders. Colombian President Alvaro Uribe, Venezuelan Hugo Chavez, and Peruvian Alan García, as well as Bolivia’s Foreign Minister David Choquehuanca and Brazil’s Defense Minister Nelson Jobim attended opening ceremonies for the assembly.

Ecuador inaugurated a public TV channel to broadcast the assembly’s sessions.  Correa said that a public station was important to provide people with objective information independent of private propaganda. The assembly also has a website http://www.asambleaconstituyente.gov.ec/ that includes proposals, resolutions, bulletins, and blogs from assembly members.

Former economy minister Alberto Acosta won the most votes in the September 30 elections, and holds the presidency of the assembly.  The assembly is divided into 10 commissions of 13 assembly members each. The commissions will address issues of health, education, agriculture, tax reform, and traffic legislation, among other issues. Acosta pledged that the new constitution will defend private property, provided it
fulfills a social function.  The day before the constituent assembly began its work, Correa made the symbolic gesture of offering his resignation in case he did not comply with the people’s desires.

Power to the People (Via the Executive Branch)

Correa’s goal is write a new constitution that reduces the power of traditional political parties and increases executive power.  One proposal would allow presidents to serve two consecutive four-year terms, instead of the one currently allowed.  Critics complain thatCorrea will use the assembly to entrench his hold on power.  He denies the charge, and claims that he serves at the will of the people.

In tune with the goals of the executive branch, one of the constituent assembly’s first acts was to dissolve the national congress, which is commonly perceived as being corrupt and inefficient.  The assembly then assumed full legislative powers and ratified Correa as president.  The traditional political parties that control the congress complain that their concerns will be marginalized in the new assembly, and have denounced the move as unconstitutional. They have pledged to return to work on January 3.  The assembly claims that it acted within its mandate, and that it represents the popular sovereignty of the Ecuadorian people.

The dominant parties in the congress have only a small minority representation in the assembly, and have been significantly weakened by their electoral defeat.  Sociedad Patriotica [Patriotic Society] of former president Lucio Gutiérrez holds 18 seats.  The Partido Renovador Institucional Acción Nacional [Renovating Institutional National Action Party, PRIAN] of banana magnet Alvaro Noboa who Correa defeated in last year’s presidential elections has 8, and the conservative Partido Social Cristiano [Social Christian Party] has 5.  Even the Indigenous party Movimiento Unidad Plurinacional Pachakutik [Pluri-National Pachakutik United Movement, MUPP] only gained 5 seats.  In contrast, Correa’s new Alianza País [Country Alliance] has 80 seats, well more than half of the 130 in the assembly. This is significant, because decisions in the assembly will be made by simple majority vote.

“Citizen’s Revolution” Pushing Out Social Movements?

Despite his leftist credentials and broad popular support, some social movement activists are concerned that the young charismatic Correa is occupying spaces that they had previously held.  His "citizen’s revolution" de-emphasizes social movements that for the past two decades have led powerful protests against neoliberal economic policies. 

 Indigenous movements are pressing for the assembly to recognize the pluri-national character of Ecuador, something that previous constitutional assemblies have refused to do.  The Confederación de Nacionalidades Indígenas del Ecuador [Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador, CONAIE] and Ecuarunari, two of the main Indigenous organizations, established an office in Montecristi in order to have their voice heard in the assembly.

Not one Ecuadorian president has completed a four-year term of office in the last ten years, and three of those have been removed through massive street protests.  Correa blames the traditional political parties for the political instability.  Some observers believe that Ecuador needs a stronger executive to solve continual problems that plague the country. It remains to be seen whether these constitutional reforms can provide a path forward for the country.

Contact Marc Becker at marc(at)yachana.org